| Review
of
The Nightmare of Camelot, by Gus Stelzer (Softcover, 2004)
(You can print this review in landscape mode, if you
want a hardcopy)
Reviewer:
Mark Lamendola, MBA, author of over 6,000 articles.
Stelzer based this book on six economic laws. He refers to those laws
while building his arguments and when analyzing or interpreting
information. The laws themselves are immutable and well-supported. To
give you an idea of what laws he's talking about, here
are two of them:
- Economic Law #2: Production creates wealth; Consumption dissipates
wealth.
- Economic Law #5: If you want more of something, subsidize it. If you
want less of something, penalize it.
Many people don't realize a point that is at the
heart of much of what Stelzer talks about. That is,
taxes invariably show up in the cost of products and services (the only
way that point could be false is if money grows on trees). Stelzer
expands on this basic concept to show that taxes, regardless of their
form, put a disproportionately heavy burden on those who occupy the
lowest economic rungs.
The Nightmare of Camelot focuses on the misconception that "free
trade" exists. Once you understand the six economic
laws presented at the beginning of the book, you can follow Stelzer's
logic to see it isn't so.
But, isn't free trade a laudable approach that will bring lower costs
to everybody? In theory, yes. However, you must consider the fact that
each nation has its own regulations and taxes that show up as component
costs of its products. Companies in other countries do not make their
products under American laws and they do not pay American taxes.
Stelzer correctly pointed out (and proved) that the costs of government (taxes and
regulations combined) comprise about 80% of the cost of an American
product. He goes on to say that in other countries, the cost is much less--and
thus there isn't a level playing field.
Legislators in other countries are not as
regulation-giddy as they are in the USA, so no other government in the
world has our insanely high level of regulations. The
United States has the largest body of regulations of all nations. Stelzer doesn't bring this fact up, but at the time this book was
written the Code of Federal Regulations was so massive that its index
alone was 65,000 pages--the size of our Internal Revenue Code.
Compliance costs are enormous.
Driven by lobbyists, federal legislators cause the
USA federal government to burn through more money than any other body in
the world. The USA
spends more on our military than the next five nations combined. It also
has enormous, useless bureaucracies that simply consume tax dollars.
The pork barrel spending alone exceeds the national budgets of several
major countries.
This is why Stelzer is correct to say we should
level the playing field. He
recommends tariffs for that purpose, and his arguments are compelling.
Unfortunately, Stelzer also indicates that it's
pointless for the American taxpayer to insist on responsible behavior on the part of those who (over)spend our
tax dollars. That is, he pooh-poohs reductions in federal spending. He
does this
mostly on the grounds that fighting for such reductions is a losing
battle. He inconsistently adopts a defeatist viewpoint for spending
reduction, while taking the opposite stance toward such things as
raising trade tariffs. Is the "it's too hard" defenset sufficient
grounds on which to let politicians pretend our money grows on trees?
Stelzer seems to think so.
Is a demand for fiduciary responsibility mutually
exclusive with any of his recommendations? He doesn't prove the point,
though he claims it.
Government spending and government growth go hand in hand. The federal government is now 185 times larger than it was 100
years ago. The geographic area of the USA is not 185 times larger than
it was in 1907, when it had 46 states instead of today's 50. Nor is the
USA population of 300 million 185 times more than its 1907 population of
87 million. Why, when in the private sector, advancements in
productivity allow one person to do the job of tens or hundreds, does
the federal government need hundreds of people to do the job of one?
The fact that waste, corruption, incompetence,
fiduciary irresponsibility, and flagrant disregard for ethics are
defining characteristics of the House of Misrepresentatives and the Senate
does not mean we should just lie down (or bend over, depending on which
metaphor you prefer).
The money these folks burn is forcibly extracted from us. And it's a
huge chunk of our earnings. With all of the various taxes an American
pays, the total tax bite works out to between 65% to 80% for the middle
class American--who pays 128 different taxes on a single loaf of bread.
In other countries, the tax bite is far smaller. Stelzer draws on these
facts to support his view that we
can't have "open borders" economically.
Stelzer explains that we don't have free trade within our
borders, so having free trade across our borders violates our
Constitution. What he has to say in support of this truth should be
mandatory reading for anyone involved in our national trade policies.
Unfortunately, those folks have a myopic agenda that is costly to
implement and provides little or no benefit.
This book, which came out in 1994, never reached cult status despite
the importance of the topic, the depth of the research, and the
brilliance of the arguments. And the same is true of its 2004
reprinting, which is what I reviewed here. Some of the reasons are as follows:
- Errors in spelling, punctuation, grammar, and composition. Such
errors affect the degree of authority given to a work. Due to lack
of a good copy editor, Stelzer's work just wasn't taken seriously.
- Ranting. In a newsletter or public speech, ranting tends to
enhance the message if it's not overdone. In this book, it's
overdone. And in any book proposing fundamental changes in national
policy, it undermines the message.
- Repetition. Stelzer repeats himself so much that the book reads
like a compilation of newsletters or other separate works, rather
than a a cohesive work. If the repetition were removed, the book
would not be even half its present size.
- Hyperbole. Stelzer's arguments are convincing on their merits.
Unfortunately, he chose to underscore them with hyperbole. Such a
move always draws the veracity of the original statement into
question, at least to a serious reader.
- Judgment statements. Closely related to ranting, these simply do
not belong in this book.
It's a shame these deficiencies, which are mere
form, has prevented widespread reading of a book that is so high on
substance. I think he frames the major issues correctly, and he avoids
pandering to ideology. He does, however, propose more government
intervention as a solution to the problem of excess government. Coming
from GM, which is a huge bureaucracy, this statist approach is not
surprising.
Rather than band-aid things with a patchwork of
tariffs, the real solution would appear to be going after the root cause
and massively scaling back the size and cost of the federal government.
Americans who bypass the disinformation peddlers
(television, newspapers, most magazines) and get close to original data
or news sources (financial reports, people in other countries, reports
from key people in key industries, actual figures on the subject in
question) are sour on the political process in the USA, and for good
reason. But we are in the minority.
Unfortunately, the propaganda machines are
constantly cranking out garbage and feeding it to people. Thus, most
Americans are blithely unaware of that America has slipped so far down
on so many metrics. If you get the time, look at where we stand on
longevity or standard of living, for example. We're forty-something on
both of those, which is not something to be very proud of. Now, ask
yourself why we are no longer a first-world country. If the answers
escape you, pick up a copy of this book. Yes, this book is a bit on the
old side. But the problems it described in 1994 are still with us today.
And for the same reasons. Einstein defined
insanity as doing more of what's not working. From Stelzer's research,
we can see that excessive government is not working. He denigrates the
Libertarian philosophy of less government, while pushing for even more
government to solve the problem of too much government.
So he has a
handle on the problem. He seems to stumble when it comes to the
solution. After all, if other countries can conduct their affairs with
lower taxes and less regulation, why can't we? Those 40 or so countries
that are ahead of us might be worth looking at for clues on how to once
again rise to greatness. |